Hey, everybody, Peter Zion here coming to you from Colorado today’s the 18th of August. And the news is that the Netherlands and Denmark have received approval from the Biden administration to send their F six teams, their fighter bomber aircraft, to Ukraine as part of the defensive works. There’s a lot of things that are packed in here, let’s start with the most obvious one, even if these things start to ship today, they’re not going to be there in sufficient numbers, or with the infrastructure to support it in time to have any impact on this fighting season. So the summer counter offensive that the Ukrainians are fighting in an attempt to break the Russian position in southern Ukraine and Crimea, they’re not gonna be able to help with that at all. There’s more to having the Jets than simply having the pilots, you have to have the logistical infrastructure to supply them with fuel with spare parts, especially with munitions and they have to be able to do all of the repairs, and all of the maintenance within Ukraine proper. Now we know for certain that the United States has been doing steps to accelerate this process over the last few months, we know that there have been a number of Ukrainian pilots across the United States and NATO bases system that had been training on the F 16. And getting flight time, but there’s going to be a lot more that needs to be done in terms of the maintenance side of the equation. Okay, so that’s piece one, this is something that’s going to affect over the winter and then into next year. Second, the players, the Netherlands and Denmark basically run almost exclusively American equipped forces. So there is no way that this came out of left field, Copenhagen, and The Hague, undoubtedly, have been coordinating with Washington since the beginning on this. And if they’re doing it, you can bet your ass that they’re going to be any number of NATO countries up to and including the United States who are going to be following suit. Now that the seal has been broken. It’s just a question of timing. Now, again, this is something that’s going to impact your operations over the winter and into next year, not right now.
Third, what’s next, the next big step of what the Ukrainians have on their wish list that they haven’t gotten is longer range weaponry that will allow them to strike deeper into the occupied territories, and in their mind, ideally, even into Russia proper. Now, the primary reason why this specific request has been denied so far by all of the Western Allies, is they don’t want to provoke the Russians to direct fight. But as the Russians move deeper and deeper into isolation, and as it becames, comes possible that this is going to be a broader conflict in economic terms, even if not in military words, that argument has been losing luster in a number of places in the Western world. No one wants to start world war three, obviously. But it’s pretty obvious who’s doing the raping in the genocide, and that is no one on the west side of the line. So we are going to see longer range weapon systems, I don’t want to comment on which ones because there’s any number of things that could come into play. And the argument that they cannot be used within Russia proper is weakening as well. Now it’s a political decision if they decide to remove that structure. But if you look at what’s been happening over the last few weeks, the Ukrainians have been provided with Storm Shadow missiles by the Brits. And that’s a longer range weapon system more than capable of striking into Russia proper, but the Russians have not once used it to do so. At the same time, the Ukrainians have developed a number of weapons systems, including drones launched by special forces troops, and suicide drones that are maritime in style to directly attack Russian targets within Russia proper. They don’t necessarily need Western Tech to take the war to Moscow. And since we’re seeing this blurring of capabilities, the idea that simply because a weapon has a range that can be problematic, that automatically is problematic. That argument is fading very, very quickly, there’s still going to be a lot of brackets on all of this, this is not going to be something that’s going to change overnight. But now that they’re going to be getting NATO fighter aircraft that clearly have the capacity, if you put an extended range fuel tank on them to strike Moscow directly, you got to ask yourself, what else can be pushed across the line at this point. And that’s the discussion that’s going to be happening in Brussels, and London and Berlin and Paris and Washington quite aggressively over the next couple of months. And by the time we get to the end of the year, I have no doubt that in addition to longer range, missiles, artillery systems and jets, there’ll be a whole phalanx of additional technologies had to be handed over in order to help the Ukrainians out. And for those of you say that this is costing the United States too much. Number one, check your math with the exception of two Patriot batteries. Every single other thing that has been transferred from the United States to this point, has been spare parts and decommissioned equipment that we were going to have to pay to dismantle so in many ways the Ukraine war has saved us a lot of money. And second, if you think the money has been stolen, you’re literally just making that up. Call your congress person because they have every day a full list of every piece of equipment how it was you
Here’s how it was transferred and how much money to actually cost the United States and anyone who tells you otherwise is lying to you. All right, that’s it.